Families in Kerala

Looking for those census districts in India which display normal female/male ratios, we also discover family structures different from India including empowered females and excluding fatal daughter syndrome.  None of districts in the Indian state of Kerala display the abnormality of female/male ratios below one characteristic of India, and the family structures are matrilineal and matrilocal, not patriarchical. At the same time, the extended families located in India as a whole (different from the nuclear families of western societies), are common in Kerala.

The entire caste system of Kerala is quite different from India. The Nayars, the dominant caste, originated in Kerala. Matrilineal and matrilocal family structures found in Kerala are unfamiliar in the experience and literature of western societies. Lacking a patriarchical identity, the Nayar family structure is most easily explained in terms of its joint family residence called a Taravad (also spelled Tharwad). A distinguished Indian jurist explains that a Taravad

consists of a female ancestor, her children, and all such other descendants, however remote, in the female line. The male descendants themselves are its members but their children are not. A person belongs to the Tharwad of his or her mother only and the Tharwad membership arises by birth in the family. A female member of a Tharwad does not change her family by marriage unlike the others systems which follow the agnatic line of descent. . . . Each member of a Tharwad acquires an interest in Tharwad properties by reason of his or her birth alone, and when any member dies, the interest of that member devolves upon the other members of a Tharwad. (Variar) Taravads were the female-lineage joint families (with female-owned properties and residences) of the high-ranking Nayar caste of historic Kerala. Advocates and jurists trained in English law brought the ownership of family property vested in females under concerted attack during the time of the British Raj. In addition, a Christian attack on the appearance of polyandry in the Taravads joined by a low-caste attack on caste restrictions generally moved with force in Kerala during the early twentieth century. Both the religious and the legal foundations of the Taravad institutions were severely undercut. (Jeffrey)

From early times the gender equity found in Kerala appears to have grown out of the attitudes and beliefs of the indigenous Malayalee population later (more than one thousand years) to become Nayars living in Taravads. These beliefs were secured by a special kind of marriages of Nayar women with the very-small ritually-high land-owning caste called Nambudiri Brahmins. Gender equity was diffused from the powerful Nayar households into the whole population of Kerala. The weak patriarchy of the Taravads was and continues to be found in all parts of the Malayalam speaking population--among lower-caste Hindus, Muslims, and Christians.

The experience of gender equity in the historic Taravads has been described by the distinguished anthropologist Kathleen Gough.

[In Cochin a] woman might have six or eight husbands of her own or a higher subcaste, and a man, any number of Nayar wives of his own or a lower subcaste. Residence was duo local: spouses lived separately in their natal homes and a husband visited his wife in her home at night. Exact physiological paternity was, clearly, often unknown, and in any case a man had no rights in or nor obligations to his children. Among Nayars of this area [the male-lineage] family was not institutionalized as a legal, economic, or residential unit. Male support, discipline, and role models for each boy were provided by a mother’s brother, a member in the female-managed households.

In the hilly and sparsely populated areas, duo local residence was impracticable.

In most cases a man took his wife to live in his ancestral household in avunculocal residence and children were brought up until adolescence in the houses of their fathers. There was some polygyny, but polyandry was forbidden. Fathers had morally though not legally recognized rights in and obligations to their children and a strong affective bond with them. . . . Both in Kottayam and in Cochin, Nayar women were occasionally married to men of the highest, patrilineal caste of Nambudiri Brahmins. Children of such unions were Nayars, and rules of ritual pollution maintained distance between them and their higher caste fathers. The Nambudiri father might not eat with his wife and children, and might not touch them during the daytime while in a state of ritual purity. Only the eldest son of a Nambudiri house might marry a Nambudiri wife and beget children for his own family. (Gough) Nambudiri Brahmin daughters in excess of first sons were relegated to life-long seclusion and denied the educational opportunities enjoyed by Nayar daughters. The numbers of Nambudiri Brahmins were small, less than one percent, and remain numerically insignificant.

A foremost Indian scholar summarizes the essence of the Nayar model of gender equity, the key to modern well-being success in Kerala.

Nayar women had greater personal freedom than most women to take decisions regarding marital and sexual relations. Nayar women played a crucial role in making household decisions, the decision-making role being invested with great authority---inheritance was through them, and it was they who were the bearers of the family name. The birth of a girl in a Nayar household was welcomed; it was far from being considered a disaster as in other parts of India. (Ramachandran) The reports of visitors and resident officials have long noted the higher status of women in Kerala. A 1875 census report for a part of the future Kerala included the observation, "The partiality of parents in bestowing greater care on their female issues, will be hazarding an opinion based on insufficient data, though it is a fact that among [matrilineal] people a female child is prized more highly than a male one." (Aiya) Looking at India in 2000, data is no longer insufficient.

To the western visitor, the families of Kerala seem much like the families of all India. They are much like other India families, but the status and the authority of the women in Kerala in their families is significantly different. The writer has often noticed the difference in the positive and confident approach of Kerala women to their men. Kerala women are not powerful, but life in Kerala culture does empower women in their families and in their communities.

(next) (Directory)  March 20, 2000